By Christopher Bucktin
Every few minutes, the booming rhythm of gunfire echoes around the streets of Port-au-Prince, providing a sinister backdrop to life for those in the embattled city.
As the government crumbles, gangs reign supreme in Haiti’s capital, controlling 80% of the urban sprawl. Those areas still not in the grip of killer hit squads are left to fend for themselves in this nightmare that threatens to turn into a humanitarian crisis.
And where power often lies in the hands of those who wield violence with impunity, gang leader Jimmy Chérizier, 47, has emerged as a symbol of authority. The former elite police officer commands the bulk of the gunmen, stirring up anarchy in the capital and vowing to fight for control at all costs.
He told supporters as his cohorts destroyed police stations and other state buildings: “I am ready to make an alliance with the devil… ready to sleep in the same bed as the devil.”
Some claim the rifle-wielding mobster’s nickname, Barbecue, comes from his penchant for setting his victims on fire. But he says it’s what his mum called him as a boy.
Chérizier, who is classed by some as a hero, likens himself to Martin Luther King. He was expelled from the police in 2018 for alleged ties to horrific crimes, including a massacre in the La Saline slums when 71 civilians were killed, seven women were raped and 400 homes were burnt down.
Chérizier, who denied any wrongdoing, went on to take over the G9 Family gang coalition, which controls many of the city’s streets and slums. For decades, Haiti has suffered misrule and teetered on the brink of unrest. The nation was notorious from the 1950s to the 1980s for the regimes of bloodthirsty father and son dictators Papa Doc and Baby Doc Duvalier and the Tontons Macoute secret police.
The unprecedented scale of the recent gang violence has plunged Haiti into yet more chaos. Prime Minister Ariel Henry resigned this week out of fear. His announcement and the creation of a transitional presidential council has only exacerbated the power struggle among the Caribbean nation’s political elite.
But while politicians jockey for position, Chérizier has elbowed his way into the race, demanding recognition and a seat at the table in shaping Haiti’s future.
Robert Fatton, a Haitian politics expert at the University of Virginia in the US, said: “Even if you have a different kind of government, the reality is you need to talk to the gangs. If they have that supremacy, and there is no countervailing force, it’s no longer a question of if you want them at the table. They may just take the table.”
The gangs, once intertwined with the political and economic elite, have grown increasingly independent, financing their operations through nefarious means such as kidnapping ransoms. With access to sophisticated weaponry, including belt-fed machine guns, Chérizier’s men have effectively neutralised the underfunded police force.
Gang activity in Haiti is vast. Over 200 of them are estimated to operate in the nation. The G9 Family led by Chérizier is one of the two main coalitions that stand out.
Renata Segura, of think-tank the International Crisis Group, said: “Gangs have become stronger and have the upper hand in terms of security… We are very concerned.”
The organisations, comprised of many smaller gangs, operate with impunity, terrorising the streets and challenging the authority of the state. There were around 5,000 gang-related killings in the past year, with many more people being displaced.
Haiti’s government has declared a state of emergency, citing the “deterioration of security” and the “escalating violent criminal acts
by armed gangs”. The crimes include widespread looting and attacks on children.
The storming of the nation’s two largest jails last weekend, resulting in the escape of thousands of inmates, was a reminder of the precarious situation.
Over 300,000 civilians have abandoned their homes in the search for sanctuary from the violence. Millions face acute food shortages and there could be a famine. The United Nations has warned of a looming humanitarian crisis.
The inability of the international community to effectively address the causes of Haiti’s woes has made the situation worse, leaving the country close to collapse.
Mr Henry acknowledged the futility of his efforts to govern amid the turmoil. He said: “The government I’m running cannot remain insensitive in front of this situation.
“There is no sacrifice that is too big for our country. The government I’m running will remove itself immediately after the installation of the council.”
He has fled the country. He was told by the Dominican Republic, which borders Haiti, that he is not welcome there either. Instead, he has gone to Puerto Rico.
The Dominican Republic’s president Luis Abinader said: “The presence of the Haitian prime minister in the Dominican Republic is not considered appropriate. This decision reflects the position of the Dominican government to safeguard its national security.”
He has threatened to close the border. Thousands have crossed from Haiti to the Dominican Republic, a nation that attracts 200,000 British tourists each year.
There were violent protests in Haiti demanding the resignation of Mr Henry, who became prime minister after the assassination of President Jovenel Moise in 2021.
Mr Henry first pledged to step down by early February, then later said the nation’s security must be re-established first to ensure fair elections in 2025. But as the violence ramped up, he was forced out.
Chérizier intends to fill the void. Shortly before Mr Henry announced his resignation and officials revealed the creation of the transitional council, Chérizier rejected any solution backed by the international community.
He said: “It’s the Haitian people who know what they’re going through. The people are going to take destiny into their own hands and choose who will govern them.” With a hold on power and a willingness to use violence to maintain it, Chérizier is a potent symbol of Haiti’s descent into darkness.
